Algernon Percy

Algernon Percy


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Algernon Percy, filho do 9º Conde de Northumberland, nasceu em 1602. Após a morte de seu pai, ele se tornou o 10º Conde de Northumberland e em março de 1636, Carlos I o nomeou Governador da Frota.

Em abril de 1638, o Conde de Northumberland tornou-se Lorde Alto Almirante da Inglaterra. Ele tornou-se cada vez mais crítico das políticas do rei e com a eclosão da Guerra Civil se recusou a apoiar os monarquistas e foi demitido do cargo.

Algernon Percy, 10º conde de Northumberland, morreu em 1668.


PERCY, Lord Algernon (1750-1830).

b. 21 de janeiro de 1750, 2o s. de Hugh, 1º Duque de Northumberland, por Lady Elizabeth Seymour, da. e h. de Algernon, 7º Duque de Somerset irmão. de Hugh Percy, Lord Warkworth. educ. Eton 1756-63 Grand Tour 1767. m. 8 de junho de 1775, Isabella Susanna, da. de Peter Burrell, 8s. 3da. suc. fa. por sp. rem. como 2º Barão Lovaine 6 de junho de 1786 cr. Conde de Beverley 2 de novembro de 1790.

Escritórios mantidos

Biografia

Em 1773, Percy, "tendo uma constituição delicada e frágil. por ordem de seus médicos, visitou o sul da França'.1 Ele ainda estava no exterior no verão seguinte, quando começou a campanha para a eleição de Northumberland, e escreveu aos proprietários do condado que, detido por mais tempo do que pretendia, teria que se oferecer como um candidato por carta. Ele parece ter estado ausente durante a eleição fortemente contestada, que foi administrada por seu pai, mas liderou a votação com uma maioria considerável.

Percy era um apoiador do governo, seus únicos votos registrados foram com o governo em três divisões sobre reforma econômica, fevereiro-março de 1780, enquanto seu único discurso relatado na Câmara dos Comuns foi apresentar a petição de Northumberland, 6 de abril de 1780.2 Reeleito sem oposição em 1780, Percy não aparece em nenhuma das listas de divisão existentes antes da queda do Norte. Seu irmão, Lord Percy, relatou em 20 de março de 1782 que "tendo passado algum tempo com problemas de saúde", Algernon "foi passar o inverno em Nice". English Chronicle escreveu sobre ele em 1781: “Ele é um jovem de comportamento brando e amável, e não é calculado por dotações, nem inclinado, para ter um interesse material na perturbadora agitação da contenda política.” E em 30 de julho de 1783 Horace Walpole mencionou a Mann que Percy foi muito "pouco divulgado em público". Ele não votou nas preliminares de paz de Shelburne, 18 de fevereiro de 1783, ou no projeto de lei de Fox na Índia Oriental, 27 de novembro de 1783 nas listas elaboradas no início de 1784, ele foi classificado como um apoiador da administração de Pitt. Em janeiro de 1784, seu pai obteve para ele um lembrete especial para o baronato de Lovaine, sobre o qual seu irmão, Lord Percy, comentou com George Rose: 'Eu sabia que era o que meu irmão desejava muito, embora eu reconheça que nunca poderia pensar nisso era qualquer objeto para ele. '4


PERCY, Algernon, Lord Percy (1602-1668), de Petworth, Suss. depois de Northumberland House, Westminster

b. 29 de setembro de 1602, 3º, mas 1º sobreviv. s. de Henry Percy, 9º conde de Northumberland, e Dorothy, da. de Walter Devereux, primeiro conde de Essex, wid. de Sir Thomas Perrot e punhal de Haroldston, Pemb. Mano. de Henry * .1 educ. privativamente (William Nicholson) 1608-15 St. John & # 8217s, Camb. 1615, MA 1616 M. Temple 1615 Christ Church, Oxf. 1617, Pádua 1621 viajou para o exterior (Países Baixos, França, Itália) 1618-24.2 m. (1) c.1628, (com & libra 12.000), Anne (d. 6 de dezembro de 1637), da. de William Cecil *, 2º conde de Salisbury, 5da. (4 d.v.p.) (2) 1 de outubro de 1642, Elizabeth (d. 11 de março de 1705), da. de Theophilus Howard *, 2º conde de Suffolk, 1s. 1da. (d.v.p.). denominado Lord Percy KB 1616 summ. aos Lordes no fa. & # 8217s baronato 28 de março de 1626 suc. fa. 5 de novembro de 1632 como 10º conde de Northumberland KG 1635. d. 13 de outubro de 1668,3

Escritórios mantidos

Com. subsídio, Suss. 16244 j.p. Cumb. 1625-pelo menos 1641, 1660-d., co. Dur. por 1650-1660, Hants por 1650 - pelo menos 1653, Mdx. 1630-42, por 1650-53, 1660-d., Northumb. 1625-d. (podridão de custos. por 1650-60), Suss. 1625-42, por 1644-d. (podridão de custos. por 1644-50, 1660-d.), Yorks. (E. Riding) 1625-pelo menos 1641, 1660-d., Yorks. (N. Riding) 1625 - pelo menos 1641, Yorks. (W. Riding) 1625 - pelo menos 1641, Westmld. por 1650 - pelo menos 1653, 1660-d., liberdades de Cawood, Wistow e Otley, Yorks. 16645 commr. oyer e terminer, Home circ. 1625-42, 1660-d., Northern circ. 1625-41, 1654-d., Suss. 1627, 1644, Cumb. 1630, Mdx. 1634-45, 1660-d., Cambs. 1640, Essex 1640, Beds. 1640, Londres 1644, Surr. 1644, Borders 1663-d6 ld. lt. Cumb., Northumb. e Westmld. (jt.) 1626-39, Northumb. (único) 1639-pelo menos 1642, (jt.) 1660-d., Suss. (jt.) 1635-42, (único) 1642, 1660-d., Anglesey, Pemb. e Surr. 16427 meirinho e cobrador de aluguel, le Northsheeles, Northumb. 16268 commr. Empréstimo forçado, Cumb., Yorks. (E. Riding), Yorks (N. Riding), Yorks. (W. Riding), Northumb. Suss., Chichester, 1627,9 Swans, Eng. exceto West Country 162910 membro, Council in the North 1633-611 oficial de justiça da liberdade de Ennerdale, kpr. da floresta de Ennerdale, e condutor de inquilinos em Ennerdale, Cumb. 163312 commr. distúrbios em condados intermediários 163513 freeman, Portsmouth, Hants 163614 commr. esgotos, Suss. 1637-41, 1655-60, Mdx. 1637-8, 1645, 1655-60, Kent 1640, Kent e Suss. 1645, 1666, Kent e Surr. 1645, Londres e Mdx. 1645, Gt. Fens 1646, 1654-62, Yorks. 1660-d., pirataria, Londres e Mdx. 1639, Devon 1639, Suff. 1640, Cornw. 1641, Dorset 164215 kpr. Nonsuch Palace, Surr. 163916 prisão e oyer and terminer, Surr. 1640, Londres 1641, 1644-5, 1659-d., entrega na prisão, Surr. 1644, Suss. 164417 commr. cts. marcial, Londres 1644, defesa, Wilts. 1644, Surr. 1645, Northern Assoc., Cumb., Northumb., Yorks. 1645, administração, igreja colegiada de Westminster e sch. 1645, recursos, Oxf. Univ. 1647, milícia, Cumb., Northumb. e Suss. 1648, 1660, Carm., Dorset, Mdx., Surr. e Yorks. 1648,18

Mestre do Cavalo para a Rainha Henrietta Maria 1626-819 PC 5 de novembro de 1636-pelo menos 1641, 31 de maio de 1660-d.20 membro, Conselho de Guerra 1637, pres. por 164021 ld. adm. 1638-42 commr. Admlty 1642-3, 1645-8,22 assembléia de teólogos 1643, preservação de livros e manuscritos 1643 membro, cttee. of Both Kingdoms 1644-8 commr. Tratado de Uxbridge 1645, disposição para o Novo Modelo do Exército 1645, regulamento de imposto de consumo 1645, abusos na heráldica 1645, plantações 1646, exclusão do sacramento 1646, venda de bps. & # 8217 terras 1646, indenização 1647, avaliação administrativa 1647, marinha e alfândega 1647 , crimes escandalosos 1648, removendo obstruções 1648,23 Tratado de Newport 164824 commr. conde marshalship 1662,25

Almirante da Frota 1636, 163726 gen. (ao sul do Trento) 1639-40,27 capt.-gen. 1640-128 capt. de Tynemouth, Northumb. 1660-d.29

Biografia

Percy era descendente de William de Percy, que provavelmente recebeu seu nome de Percy-en-Auge, em Calvados, Normandia. Ele veio para a Inglaterra logo após a Conquista, tornando-se um importante barão de Yorkshire antes de sua morte na Primeira Cruzada.30 Um membro da família representou Yorkshire no Parlamento já em 1297, e em 1377 Henry Percy, pai de Henry & # 8216Hotspur & # 8217, foi feito conde de Northumberland. No entanto, os Percys estavam frequentemente em desacordo com a autoridade real e, consequentemente, o condado caiu em suspenso em 1537. Em 1557 foi conferido ao tio-avô de Percy & # 8217, que foi executado em 1572 por sua participação no levantamento dos condes do norte. No entanto, foi permitido passar, por um resto especial, para o avô de Percy & # 8217s, mas a família foi obrigada a viver em Petworth, sua residência a oeste de Sussex, embora mantivessem vastas propriedades no norte.31

O pai de Percy garantiu o lugar de capitão do bando de cavalheiros aposentados na ascensão de James e um lugar no Conselho Privado, mas imprudentemente admitiu seu parente, o conspirador da pólvora Sir Thomas Percy, no bando sem primeiro exigir que ele fez o Juramento da Supremacia e, consequentemente, passou 16 anos na Torre, onde seu gosto por experimentos químicos lhe valeu o apelido de & # 8216 the Wizard Earl & # 8217. Durante este período de inatividade forçada, ele dobrou sua folha de aluguel para quase £ 13.000 p.a. e se dedicou à educação de seu herdeiro & # 8216 para retirá-lo de sua creche e das asas de sua mãe & # 8217s & # 8217 em uma idade precoce. A partir de 1608, Percy passou um tempo considerável na Torre com seu pai e pode ter caído sob a influência de outro prisioneiro, Sir Walter Ralegh & Dagger. Quando ele deixou a Torre para Cambridge em 1615, Northumberland o considerou & # 8216desenvolvido e por trás de muitos de sua idade & # 8217, e chamou a atenção de seu tutor & # 8217s para sua timidez & # 8216parte ser desculpado por ele, pois todos os nossos nomes são sujeito a poucas palavras do que a muito balbucio & # 8217. O atraso foi curável, o próprio Northumberland admitindo que em 1618 Percy tinha & # 8216 um pedaço do estudioso & # 8217 e iria prontamente & # 8216 ganhar as línguas & # 8217 ao viajar pela Europa sob a conduta de Edward Dowse * .32 Ele manteve sua reserva: & # 8216 nenhum homem & # 8217, observou Clarendon (Edward Hyde & Dagger), & # 8216 tinha cada vez menos palavras ociosas para responder & # 8217.33

Northumberland foi libertado como parte de uma anistia geral para prisioneiros políticos no verão de 1621 e Percy, tendo atingido a maioridade dois anos depois, foi devolvido para Sussex em 1624.34 Ele foi nomeado para seis comitês no último Parlamento Jacobino. Em 27 de fevereiro, ele foi nomeado para o comitê para considerar a desonra supostamente cometida ao duque de Buckingham pelo embaixador espanhol, e ele estava entre os instruídos a conferenciar com os Lordes em 3 de março sobre o endereço para interromper as negociações para o Partida espanhola. Ele também foi nomeado para participar de conferências com os pares sobre o projeto de lei de monopólios (8 de abril) e para servir em comissões de projetos de limitação e abuso de privilégio no Tesouro (1 ° de maio). Em 16 de abril, ele foi nomeado para o comitê para & # 8216 concordar com os chefes de um projeto de lei sobre a descoberta de cavalos e armaduras & # 8217, e também estava entre os instruídos a investigar os abusos de heráldica 12 dias depois. Em 29 de abril, ele apresentou os nomes de titulares de cargos em Sussex suspeitos de catolicismo. A esposa do ex-servo de seu pai (senhor) Edward Fraunceys * e alguns dos servos do conde de Arundel & # 8217s não frequentavam a igreja, declarou ele, enquanto três comissários de esgotos eram & # 8216 papistas absolutos & # 8217.35

Após o fim desse Parlamento, Percy se juntou a seu cunhado, James Hay, primeiro conde de Carlisle, e a seu primo visconde Kensington (Henry Rich *) na França, onde estavam negociando o casamento do príncipe Charles & # 8217, e retornou no outono, & # 8216com boas notícias como se presume & # 8217, relatou Chamberlain, & # 8216se eles não o tornariam o mensageiro & # 8217.36 No ano seguinte, ele retornou a Chichester, a cerca de 19 quilômetros de Petworth. No primeiro Parlamento Caroline, ele foi nomeado para participar da conferência com os Lordes de 23 de junho de 1625 sobre a petição de jejum, e estava entre os que foram ordenados seis dias depois a considerar um projeto de lei para prevenir a aquisição corrupta de lugares judiciais.37 Ele é não se sabe que frequentou Oxford, onde muito tempo foi gasto no ataque aos escritos anti-calvinistas de Richard Montagu, então reitor de Petworth e em boas relações com o pai de Percy.38

Reeleito para Chichester em 1626, Percy foi nomeado para quatro comitês. Ele foi instruído a participar das conferências com o convite dos Lords on the Commons & # 8217 para Buckingham para explicar a nova detenção do São Pedro (4 de março), e em matéria de defesa (8 de março). Ele também foi nomeado, em 25 de março, para considerar o projeto de lei & # 8216 para tornar as armas do reino mais úteis & # 8217.39 Sua conduta na Casa e em outros lugares deve ter sido de modo a encorajar Buckingham na esperança de que ele o faria provou ser útil para ele nos Lordes, pois em 28 de março ele foi convocado à direita do baronato de seu pai. Ele recebeu a procuração de seu pai, que havia sido anteriormente dada ao duque, e depois do Parlamento, houve rumores de que ele compraria o domínio do cavalo de Buckingham, embora no caso ele só recebesse a posição equivalente na rainha & # Família de 8217.40 No verão de 1628, porém, ele renunciou ao cargo na Corte e retirou-se para o campo, tendo se desiludido com Buckingham. Na verdade, mais tarde naquele ano, ele disse a seu sogro, o segundo conde de Salisbury, que não lamentava o recente assassinato do duque.

Em 1633, Percy havia sucedido ao título de seu pai & # 8217s e retornou a Westminster, sendo descrito por Carlisle em março daquele ano como & # 8216 um dos jovens lordes mais honestos, discretos e capazes sobre a Corte & # 8217. Ele cresceu rapidamente na década de 1630, apesar de problemas crônicos de saúde, tornando-se conselheiro particular e lorde almirante.42 Mesmo assim, ele escreveu em janeiro de 1640 que um empréstimo de £ 5.000 para lutar contra os Covenanters era tudo o que Charles podia esperar de alguém em cuja casa nestes últimos tempos recebeu pouca ou nenhuma vantagem da Coroa & # 8217.43 Depois de comandar o exército de Carlos I & # 8217 na Segunda Guerra dos Bispos & # 8217, ele tomou o partido do Parlamento na Guerra Civil, mas se tornou um líder do partido da paz na Lordes, e protestou contra o julgamento do rei. Ele recebeu o perdão na Restauração e foi renomeado para o Conselho Privado. Ele redigiu seu testamento em 10 de abril de 1667, acrescentou um codicilo sete dias depois e outro em 30 de março de 1668, o último concedendo uma anuidade a seu sobrinho, o republicano Algernon Sidney & Dagger. Ele morreu em 13 de outubro de 1668 e foi enterrado em Petworth em 4 de novembro. Seu único filho morreu em menos de dois anos, deixando uma filha, através da qual as propriedades e o nome de Percy passaram eventualmente para Sir Hugh Smithson & Dagger, que foi feito duque de Northumberland em 1766.44


O que aconteceu com o Percies?

O atual duque de Northumberland, Ralph Percy, é o rei sem coroa de Northumberland. Ele vive em uma fortaleza medieval austera e inexpugnável, o Castelo de Alnwick, que foi construído em 1100 e é o lar de seus ancestrais desde 1309. Sua propriedade cobre 98.000 acres com 3.500 arrendamentos separados e é uma das melhores administradas do país.

Seus ancestrais imediatos de Graças incluem o duque de Sutherland, o duque de Hamilton e o duque de Buccleuch. Seu bisavô era duque de Richmond e seu bisavô era duque de Argyle. Mas, mais do que tudo isso, Ralph Percy é o chefe dos Percys, uma família que pode traçar seus ancestrais até a Normandia e o norte da França muito antes dos eventos de 1066 ocorrerem. Os Percy & # 8217s nos deram, entre outros, Hotspur, imortalizado por Shakespeare e o Abençoado Thomas Percy, decapitado por Elizabeth I e o infame Thomas Percy, que estava tão inextricavelmente ligado ao infame & # 8216PLOTE DE PÓ DE ARMA & # 8217.

Quem eram os Percy & # 8217s?

O que foi escrito e publicado anteriormente sobre as origens dos Percy & # 8217s, diz que eles eram uma família Viking / Norman descendente de Mainfred, o chefe dinamarquês que se estabeleceu na Normandia antes de 886, como foi descrito onde há uma essência de fato.

O que é verdade é que a residência principal da família ficava em um lugar chamado Perci na Normandia e, de acordo com o costume, eles tiravam o nome de sua propriedade. A história desta grande família anterior a isso se reflete no que agora é conhecido de sua heráldica e DNA, que apontam para sua existência antes de virem para a Normandia para a cidade de Lille perto de Bethune em Flandres.

O primeiro membro da família Percy a vir para a Inglaterra foi Alan de Percy, bem antes de 1066. O próximo a chegar foi William de Percy, um filho de Alan (1030 & # 8211 1096), e um amigo íntimo de William, o Conquistador, ao qual veio Inglaterra em 1067 e era conhecido como & # 8216Algersnons & # 8217 devido ao uso de bigodes e # 8211 uma barba. Este William de Percy ou & # 8216Algersnons & # 8217 estabeleceu-se no norte da Inglaterra imediatamente e, na época em que o Domesday Book foi compilado, ele foi listado como Senhor de mais de 100 feudos. Seus descendentes receberam o título de Barão Percy.

É um pedigree ilustre, inigualável. Só uma coisa está errada! O atual duque de Northumberland e recebedor dos títulos antigos da família não é Percy de forma alguma. Seu sobrenome e o de seus ancestrais deveriam ser Smithson.

No início do século 17, o 10º Conde de Northumberland Algernon Percy desempenhou um papel importante na restauração da Monarquia. Ele se casou duas vezes primeiro com uma filha da família Cecil, apesar da profunda desaprovação de seu pai, que disse que & # 8216o sangue de Percy não se misturaria com o sangue de Cecil se você o colocasse em um prato & # 8217. Pode ter sido esse o caso, mas o problema era que parecia que restava muito pouco sangue de Percy e algo precisava ser feito. O casamento gerou cinco filhas e a esposa morreu. Sua segunda esposa era filha dos Howards e este casamento gerou um filho, o décimo primeiro conde, que por sua vez teve um filho que morreu na infância. Com aquela criança, os Percy & # 8217s aparentemente chegaram ao fim, pois nenhum esforço foi feito para localizar qualquer outro ramo cadete vivo da família para encontrar qualquer descendente masculino direto de William com bigodes. (veja o caso James Percy, o Trunckmaker!). Parecia que tudo o que restava era uma filha, Lady Elizabeth Percy, que se tornou a herdeira mais solitária e rica do país quando seu pai morreu quando estava na Itália em 1670, aos 25 anos. Como uma mera criança de quatro anos, ela carregaria o pesado fardo e as responsabilidades das vastas propriedades da família. O Conde de Northumberland e o Baronato de Percy agora parecem erroneamente considerados extintos, e parecia que a antiga família de Percy morreria com ela. Ela era a herdeira mais cobiçada da Inglaterra e, como resultado, a pobre garota se casou três vezes antes de seu décimo sexto aniversário, devido ao trabalho incansável e às manipulações de sua mãe viúva.

Para entender como o duque moderno de Northumberland pode dizer a si mesmo um Percy quando a linhagem de Percy aparentemente foi extinta em 1670, deve-se examinar com intriga a complicada série de acidentes, projetos e maquinações envolvendo os descendentes de Lady Elizabeth Percy. Elizabeth apelidada de & # 8216carrots & # 8217 devido ao seu cabelo ruivo foi incomodada por pretendentes. Carlos II a queria como esposa para um de seus filhos bastardos, mas desta vez ele não teve sorte. Aos doze anos, ela foi obrigada a se casar com o conde de Ogle, que morreu seis meses depois. Seu segundo marido foi Thomas Thynne de Longleat, que foi assassinado por assassinos contratados em Pall Mall a mando de outro pretendente ciumento, o Conde Koningsmark. Duas vezes viúva aos dezesseis anos, ela finalmente se casou em 1682 com aquele absurdo & # 8220Proud & # 8221 Duque de Somerset. Nem é possível dizer que ela viveu feliz para sempre, já que a vida, como a Duquesa de Somerset, a consorte de um tirano louco de porte, não pode ter sido agradável. Ela morreu em 1722, e todas as suas propriedades Percy contra os desejos diretos de seus ancestrais de alguma forma foram investidas no ducado de Somerset. Imediatamente seu filho Algernon Seymour foi nomeado Barão Percy para proteger a herança das famílias.

Algernon se casou e teve um filho e uma filha. O filho era Lord Beauchamp, herdeiro do ducado de Somerset e eventual herdeiro das propriedades de Percy, incluindo o Castelo de Alnwick, que, no curso normal, passaria para o ducado de Somerset. A filha era Elizabeth Seymour, que em 1740 fez um casamento significativo.

O marido de Elizabeth Seymour era um escudeiro de Yorkshire, Sir Hugh Smithson, Bart. Ela era então conhecida como Lady Betty Smithson, e nos quatro anos seguintes não havia razão para imaginar que seu status mudaria, já que ele não era herdeiro de nenhum título. Então, em 1744, o irmão de Lady Betty, Lord Beauchamp, morreu repentinamente, um evento que deixou todas as famílias relacionadas em desordem. Isso significou o fim dessa linhagem de Seymours, e fez de Lady Betty a única herdeira de algumas das propriedades Seymour e de todas as propriedades Percy de sua avó. Também fez de Sir Hugh Smithson um homem muito importante.

O destino dos Seymour & # 8217s, dos Percy & # 8217s e dos Smithson & # 8217s foi decidido em um caleidoscópio de eventos entre 1748 e 1750. Primeiro, o orgulhoso duque de Somerset morreu e foi sucedido como sétimo duque por seu filho Algernon, Lady Pai de Betty. Em 1749, o 7º duque de Somerset foi indevidamente nomeado primeiro conde de Northumberland de uma nova criação. Ele não tinha herdeiros masculinos legítimos, então uma estipulação muito incomum foi incluída na patente da criação, de acordo com a qual o título e as propriedades de Percy (incluindo o Castelo de Alnwick) deveriam passar quando ele morresse para seu genro Smithson e, posteriormente, para os herdeiros de Smithsons pelo corpo de Lady Betty. Em 1750, o 7º duque de Somerset morreu. O Ducado passou para um parente muito distante (ancestral do atual Duque de Somerset), e o novo Conde de Northumberland passou para Sir Hugh Smithson, que prontamente assumiu o nome e as armas de Percy por um ato do Parlamento.

Quase um século se passou desde a morte do último Conde Percy de Northumberland, muito além da memória dos vivos em 1750. Smithson não se casou com Percy, mas com Seymour, bisneta do aparentemente único sobrevivente masculino do último Conde Percy . Que ele agora deveria se tornar um Percy era uma peça incrível de invenção fantástica.

Os Smithsons eram, eles próprios, uma família modesta, mas antiga, de Yorkshire. No Domesday Book está listado um certo Malgrun de Smethton, de quem há uma descendência clara até Sir Hugh. Mas isso era pouco comparado à majestade do Castelo de Alnwick e às riquezas que vinham da propriedade de vários milhares de hectares. Infelizmente, os sinais são de que a repentina ascensão de Smithsons ao mais alto escalão foi direto para sua cabeça.

Ser conde de Northumberland não bastava para sua vaidade, embora tivesse satisfeito gerações do verdadeiro Percys. Ele foi proposto como Lorde camareiro, mas o Marquês de Hertford foi nomeado em seu lugar. Northumberland exigia algum tipo de adiantamento como forma de compensação, e quando um marquessate foi sugerido, ele insistiu em ter um ducado. O rei, George III, de alguma forma concordou! Assim, Sir Hugh Smithson tornou-se o primeiro duque de Northumberland e conde Percy em 1766, e o visconde Lovaine de Alnwick em 1784. Ele é o ancestral direto do atual duque.

O único inconveniente, que poderia perturbar as coisas, seria o aparecimento repentino de um herdeiro Percy genuíno. Eles não queriam, mas um pretendente, James Percy, havia pressionado seus direitos por vinte anos imediatamente após a morte de Josceline, o último conde de Northumberland, em 1670. Ele era um fabricante de baús e queria ser conde, então fez uma petição à Câmara dos Lordes. Ele falhou miseravelmente devido à infindável e implacável e determinada duquesa viúva, a mãe de Elizabeth. James Percy acabou usando uma placa em volta do pescoço proclamando-o & # 8220O impudente pretendente ao antigo título de Conde de Northumberland & # 8221.


Dicionário de biografia nacional, 1885-1900 / Percy, Algernon (1602-1668)

PERCY, ALGERNON, décimo conde de Northumberland (1602-1668), filho de Henrique, nono conde de Northumberland [q. v.], nasceu em Londres e foi batizado em 13 de outubro de 1602 (Chamberlain, Cartas durante o reinado da Rainha Elizabeth, p. 157 Collins, Peerage, ed., Brydges, ii. 346). Percy foi educado no St. John's College, Cambridge, como provam os papéis da família, e não na Christ Church, Oxford, conforme declarado por Collins e Doyle (Fonblanque, Casa de percy, ii. 367). Seu pai então o enviou para viajar para o exterior, fornecendo-lhe instruções detalhadas sobre o que observar e como se comportar (Antiquarian Repertory, iv. 374). Em 4 de novembro de 1616 ele foi nomeado cavaleiro de Bath (Doyle, Barão Oficial, ii. 663). No parlamento de 1624, ele representou o condado de Sussex, e nos convocados em 1625 e 1626, a cidade de Chichester. Ele foi convocado para a Câmara dos Lordes como Barão Percy em 28 de março de 1627, e sucedeu seu pai como décimo conde de Northumberland em 5 de novembro de 1632.

Carlos I estava ansioso para garantir o apoio de Northumberland e conferiu a ele, em 16 de maio de 1635, a ordem da Jarreteira (Strafford Letters, eu. 363, 427 Fonblanque, ii. 630). Pelos próximos anos, ele foi continuamente confiado com os mais altos postos navais ou militares. Em 23 de março de 1636, foi nomeado almirante da frota angariada com o dinheiro dos navios para fazer valer a soberania dos mares. Não afetou nada além de obrigar um certo número de pescadores holandeses a aceitar licenças para pescar do mestre de Northumberland. Mas sua ineficácia deveu-se mais à política de Charles do que à culpa de seu almirante (Gardiner, História da inglaterra, viii. 156 Strafford Letters, eu. 524 Cal. Documentos do Estado, Dom. 1635–6, pp. Xx, 357). Northumberland estava cheio de zelo pelo serviço do rei, e apresentou-lhe em dezembro de 1636 uma declaração dos abusos existentes na gestão da marinha, com propostas para sua reforma, mas, embora apoiada por ampla prova dos males alegados, os comissários de o almirantado não tomou medidas para remediá-los. ‘Este processo’, escreveu Northumberland a Strafford, ‘trouxe-me a resolução de não me preocupar mais com o esforço de uma reforma, a menos que eu seja ordenado a fazê-lo’ (Strafford Letters, ii. 40, 49 Cal. Documentos do Estado, Dom. 1636-7, pp. 202, 217, 251 Fonblanque, ii. 379). Strafford, que apoiou Northumberland com todas as suas forças, exortou-o a ser paciente e constante em seus esforços e pressionou, através de Laud, por sua nomeação como um dos comissários do almirantado, ou como lorde alto almirante (Strafford Letters, ii. 54). Em abril de 1637, Northumberland foi nomeado almirante pela segunda vez, mas novamente se viu incapaz de realizar nada. Seu desgosto era muito grande. Ele escreveu a Strafford de seu ancoradouro em Downs reclamando amargamente. 'Cavalgar neste lugar ancorado um verão inteiro juntos, sem esperança de ação, ver desordens diárias na frota e não ter meios para remediá-las, e estar em um emprego onde um homem não possa nem prestar serviço ao estado, ganhar honra para si mesmo, nem fazer cortesias para seus amigos, é uma condição que eu acho que ninguém terá ambições de '(ib. ii. 84 Gardiner, viii. 219 Cal. Documentos do Estado, Dom. 1637, pp. Xxi – xxv). Em 30 de março de 1638, Northumberland foi elevado à dignidade de senhor alto almirante da Inglaterra, o que lhe foi concedido, no entanto, apenas durante o prazer, e não, como nos casos de Nottingham e Buckingham, para o resto da vida (ib. 1637–8, p. 321 Collins, ii. 247). A intenção era que ele mantivesse seu posto até que o duque de York tivesse idade para sucedê-lo (Strafford Letters, ii. 154 Gardiner, viii. 338). Os problemas na Escócia trouxeram o escritório militar de Northumberland também. Em julho de 1638, o rei nomeou um comitê de oito conselheiros particulares para os assuntos escoceses, dos quais Northumberland era um. A consideração do descontentamento do povo e do despreparo do rei para a guerra o fez pensar que era mais seguro para o rei conceder aos escoceses as condições que eles pediam do que ir precipitadamente para a guerra. ‘Deus nos envie uma boa parte deste negócio problemático’, ele escreveu a Strafford, ‘pois, para minha apreensão, nenhum inimigo estrangeiro poderia ameaçar tanto perigo para este reino como faz agora esta nação miserável’ (ib. ii. 186, 266). Em 26 de março de 1639, quando o rei se preparou para seguir para o norte para assumir o comando do exército, Northumberland foi nomeado general de todas as forças ao sul de Trento e membro do conselho de regência (Cal. Documentos do Estado, Dom. 1638–9, p. 608). Suas cartas particulares a seu cunhado, o conde de Leicester, mostram que Northumberland estava insatisfeito com a política do rei e não confiava na maioria de seus colegas ministros. O secretário Coke ele considerou incapaz e se esforçou para conseguir seu lugar para Leicester. Ele considerava o secretário Windebanke não apenas incapaz, mas também traiçoeiro, e ficou furioso com sua interferência no comando da frota, o que permitiu que Tromp destruísse os navios de Oquendo em um porto inglês. As próprias opiniões de Northumberland o inclinaram a uma aliança com a França em vez da Espanha, e ele se opôs a Hamilton, Cottington e a facção espanhola no conselho. Strafford era seu amigo, mas ele o considerava muito inclinado para a Espanha e não gostava da política religiosa de Laud. O descontentamento que existia na Inglaterra e o vazio do tesouro do rei pareciam-lhe tornar o sucesso da guerra contra os escoceses quase impossível (Collins, Sydney Papers, ii. 608-23 Cal. Documentos do Estado, Dom. 1639–40, pp. 22, 526 Strafford Letters, ii. 276). Por essas razões, Northumberland saudou com alegria a convocação do Parlamento Short e lamentou a veemência com que os comuns pressionaram para que fossem corrigidas suas queixas. ‘Se eles tivessem sido bem informados’, escreveu ele a Lord Conway, ‘estou persuadido de que com o tempo eles teriam conquistado seus desejos’ (Cal. Documentos do Estado, Dom. 1640, pp. 71, 115 Sydney Papers, ii. 623). Apoiado apenas por Lord Holland, ele se opôs à dissolução do parlamento no comitê de oito, e falou contra a proposta de Strafford de uma invasão vigorosa da Escócia. As notas de Vane sobre o seu discurso são: ‘Se não há mais dinheiro do que o proposto, como então fazer uma guerra ofensiva? uma dificuldade de não fazer nada ou deixá-los sozinhos, ou continuar com uma guerra vigorosa '(Hist. MSS. Comm. 3ª Rep. P. 3 Gardiner, História da inglaterra, ix. 122). ‘O que o mundo julgará de nós no exterior’, queixou-se ele ao Leicester, ‘ao nos ver entrar em uma ação como esta, sem saber como mantê-la por um mês? Minha alma fica triste por estar envolvida nesses conselhos, e a sensação que tenho das misérias que podem ocorrer é mantida por alguns uma certa insatisfação por mim. ... A condição em que o rei está é extremamente infeliz, eu não poderia acreditar que homens sábios jamais nos colocariam em tal situação, pois agora estamos sem ter certeza de um remédio "(Collins, Sydney Papers, ii. 652, 654).

Já em dezembro anterior, Charles havia anunciado a Northumberland que pretendia torná-lo general das forças reunidas para a segunda guerra escocesa (ib. ii. 626). De acordo com Clarendon, Strafford foi originalmente designado para o cargo, mas ele preferiu servir como tenente-general do conde de Northumberland, acreditando que a atribuição dessa precedência a ele iria prendê-lo mais firmemente aos interesses do rei, e que seu o poder nas partes do norte traria grande vantagem para os serviços do rei (Rebelião, ed. Macray, ii. 80 n.) Sua comissão é datada de 14 de fevereiro de 1640 (Rushworth, iii. 989). Northumberland, apesar de suas dúvidas e desânimo, esforçou-se vigorosamente para organizar o exército e contribuiu com 5.000eu. ao empréstimo levantado para o serviço do rei em 1639 (Sydney Papers, ii. 629 Cal. Documentos do Estado, Dom. 1640, pp. 294, 363, 514, 572). Mas em agosto de 1640 ele adoeceu, e Strafford assumiu o comando do exército em seu lugar (ib. pp. 588, 603).

No parlamento Long, Northumberland gradualmente se posicionou ao lado da oposição. Ele foi uma das testemunhas contra Strafford no artigo vigésimo terceiro do impeachment e, embora negasse que Strafford tivesse pretendido usar o exército irlandês contra a Inglaterra, sua evidência para a recomendação do senhor deputado de medidas arbitrárias foi extremamente prejudicial. O rei, escreveu Northumberland a Leicester, estava zangado com ele porque ele não cometeria perjúrio por Strafford (Rushworth, Julgamento de Strafford, pp. 533, 543 Sydney Papers, ii. 665).

Northumberland himself was vexed because the king declined to promote Leicester (ib. ii. 661–6). Clarendon represents Northumberland sending to the House of Commons Henry Percy's letter about the army plot as the first visible sign of his defection (Rebelião, iii. 228 Commons' Journals, ii. 172–5). It was followed in the second session by an ​ open alliance with the opposition party in the House of Lords. Northumberland signed the protests against the appointment of Lunsford to the command of the Tower, against the refusal of the House of Lords to join the commons in demanding the militia, and against their similar refusal to punish the Duke of Richmond's dangerous words. The popular party showed their confidence in Northumberland by nominating him lord lieutenant of the four counties of Sussex, Northumberland, Pembroke, and Anglesey (28 Feb. 1642). His possession of the post of lord high admiral secured the parliamentary leaders the control of the navy. When the king refused to appoint the Earl of Warwick to command the fleet, the two houses ordered Northumberland to make him vice-admiral, and Northumberland obeyed. On 28 June 1642 the king dismissed Northumberland from his office, but too late to prevent the sailors from accepting Warwick as their commander ( Clarendon , Rebelião, iv. 330, v. 376 Hist. MSS. Comm. 3rd Rep. p. 85 Gardiner , History of England, x. 176, 185, 208).

Charles felt Northumberland's defection very severely. He had raised him to office after office, and, as he complained, ‘courted him as his mistress, and conversed with him as his friend, without the least interruption or intermission of all possible favour and kindness’ ( Clarendon , Rebelião, iii. 228 Memoirs of Sir Philip Warwick, p. 117). In three letters to Sir John Bankes, Northumberland explained his position. ‘We believe that those persons who are most powerful with the king do endeavour to bring parliaments to such a condition that they shall only be made instruments to execute the commands of the king, who were established for his greatest and most supreme council. … It is far from our thoughts to change the form of government, to invade upon the king's just prerogative, or to leave him unprovided of as plentiful a revenue as either he or any of his predecessors ever enjoyed.’ He protested that the armaments of the parliament were purely defensive in their aim. ‘Let us but have our laws, liberties, and privileges secured unto us, and let him perish that seeks to deprive the king of any part of his prerogative, or that authority which is due unto him. If our fortunes be to fall into troubles, I am sure few (excepting the king himself) will suffer more than I shall do therefore for my own private considerations, as well as for the public good, no man shall more earnestly endeavour an agreement between the king and his people’ ( Bankes , Story of Corfe Castle, pp. 122, 129, 139).

True to these professions, Northumberland, though he accepted a place in the parliamentary committee of safety (4 July 1642), was throughout counted among the heads of the peace party ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, i. 53, 80). On 10 Nov. 1642 he was sent to present a message of peace to the king at Colebrook, and in the following March he was at the head of the parliamentary commissioners sent to treat with the king at Oxford. Whitelocke praises his ‘sober and stout carriage to the king,’ his civility to his brother commissioners, and the ‘state and nobleness’ with which he lived while at Oxford (Memorials, edit. 1853, i. 195–201 Old Parliamentary History, xii. 29, 201). His zeal for peace made him suspected by the violent party. Harry Marten took upon himself to open one of Northumberland's letters to his wife, and, as he refused to apologise, Northumberland struck him with his cane. This took place on 18 April 1643 in the painted chamber, as Marten was returning from a conference between the two houses, and was complained of by the commons as a breach of privilege (Lords' Journals, vi. 11 Clarendon , Rebellion, vii. 20). In June Northumberland was accused of complicity in Waller's plot, but indignantly repudiated the charge, and Waller's statements against him are too vague to be credited ( Sanford , Studies and Illustrations of the Great Rebellion, pp. 543, 562). He was one of the originators of the peace propositions agreed to by the House of Lords on 4 Aug. 1643, and appealed to Essex for support against the mob violence which procured their rejection by the commons (ib. p. 576 Gardiner , Great Civil War, i. 185 Clarendon , Rebelião, vii. 166–75). Finding Essex disinclined to support the peace movement, Northumberland retired to Petworth, and for a time absented himself altogether from the parliamentary councils. Clarendon, who held that the king might have won back Northumberland by returning him to his office of lord admiral, asserts that if the other peers who deserted the parliament at the same time had been well received by the king, Northumberland would have followed their example (Rebelião, vii. 21, 188, 244, 248).

A few months later Northumberland returned to his place in parliament, and the two houses showed their confidence by appointing him one of the committee of both kingdoms (16 Feb. 1644). In the treaty at Uxbridge in January 1645 Northumberland again acted as one of the parliamentary commissioners, and was their usual spokesman ( Whitelocke , i. 377, 385 Clarendon , Rebelião, viii. 218). But he was hardly as ​ ready to make concessions as before. ‘The repulse he had formerly received at Oxford upon his addresses thither, and the fair escape he had made afterwards from the jealousy of the parliament, had wrought so far upon him that he resolved no more to depend upon the one or provoke the other, and was willing to see the king's power and authority so much restrained that he might not be able to do him any harm’ (ib. viii. 244). During 1645 he acted with the leaders of the independents, helping to secure the passage of the self-denying ordinance, and the organisation of the new model army ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, ii. 189 Sanford , Studies and Illustrations, p. 353). On 18 March he was appointed to the guardianship of the king's two youngest children, with a salary of 3,000eu. a year and it was even reported that if the king continued to refuse to come to terms, the Duke of Gloucester would be made king, with Northumberland as lord protector (ib. Lords' Journals, vii. 279, 327). After the fall of Oxford the Duke of York also passed into his custody, with an allowance of 7,500eu. for his maintenance.

With the close of the war Northumberland again took up the part of mediator. His own losses during its continuance had amounted to over 42,000eu., towards which, on 19 Jan. 1647, parliament had voted him 10,000eu. (Hist. MSS. Comm. 3rd Rep. p. 86 Commons' Journals, viii. 651). In January 1647 he united with Manchester and the leading presbyterian peers in drawing up propositions likely to be more acceptable to the king than those previously offered him. They were forwarded through Bellièvre, the French ambassador, who transmitted them to Henrietta Maria ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, iii. 213). On 26 Nov. 1646 Northumberland had been accused of secretly sending money to the king during the war, and the charge had been investigated at the desire of the commons by a committee of the House of Lords but the informer himself finally admitted that the charge was false (Lords' Journals, viii. 578, 678). That it should have been made at all was probably the effect of his obvious preference for a compromise with Charles.

Northumberland was one of the peers who left their seats in parliament after the riots of July 1647, and signed the engagement of 4 Aug. to stand by the army for the restoration of the freedom of the two houses (Lords' Journals, ix. 385). It was at Northumberland's house, Syon, near Brentford, that the conferences of the seceders and the officers of the army were held and an agreement arrived at ( Waller , Vindication, p. 191). When the king was in the hands of the army, and during his residence at Hampton Court, he was allowed to see his children with more frequency than before, parliament, however, stipulating that Northumberland should accompany his charges. In one of these interviews it is said that Charles gently reproached Northumberland for his defection, and hinted that, if he would return to his allegiance, the Duke of York should be married to one of his daughters. But Northumberland remained firm against any temptations while his opposition to the vote of no address proved that fear was equally unable to make him swerve from the policy of moderation and compromise ( Green , Lives of the Princesses of England, vi. 360 Gardiner , Great Civil War, iv. 52). On 21 April 1648 the Duke of York escaped from Northumberland's custody, and made his way in disguise to Holland. But as early as 19 Feb. Northumberland had asked to be relieved of his charge, and declined to be responsible if he should escape so the two houses, on hearing the earl's explanation, acquitted him of all blame in the matter (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1648–9, p. 19 Lords' Journals, x. 220 Life of James II, i. 29–33). In the following September Northumberland was appointed one of the fifteen commissioners sent to negotiate with Charles at Newport, and appears from his subsequent conduct to have regarded the king's concessions as a sufficient basis for the settlement of the nation. In the House of Lords he headed the opposition to the ordinance for the king's trial. ‘Not one in twenty of the people of England,’ he declared, ‘are yet satisfied whether the king did levy war against the houses first, or the houses first against him and, besides, if the king did levy war first, we have no law extant that can be produced to make it treason in him to do and for us to declare treason by an ordinance when the matter of fact is not yet proved, nor any law to bring to judge it by, seems to me very unreasonable’ ( Gardiner , Great Civil War, iv. 289).

Under the Commonwealth and protectorate Northumberland remained rigidly aloof from public affairs. He consented, however, to take the engagement to be faithful to the Commonwealth ( Sanford , Studies and Illustrations of the Great Rebellion, p. 292). At his own request parliament relieved him of the expensive and troublesome charge of Prince Henry and the Princess Elizabeth, appointing, at his own suggestion, his sister, the Countess of Leicester, to fill his place ( Cary , Memorials of the Civil War, ii. 127, 138 Commons' Journals, ​ vi. 216). He took no part in any plots against the government. An attempt to make him out to be a delinquent failed but the demand that Wressell Castle should be made untenable, and the consequences of a loan raised by the parliament, for which he had become engaged, gave him some vexation (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1649–50, p. 286 Hist. MSS. Comm. 3rd Rep. pp. 87–8). He refused to sit either in Cromwell's House of Lords or in that summoned by his son in 1659. To Richard's invitation he is said to have replied that, ‘till the government was such as his predecessors have served under, he could not in honour do it but, that granted, he should see his willingness to serve him with his life and fortune’ (Clarendon State Papers, ii. 432). He looked forward to the restoration of the House of Lords as a necessary part of the settlement of the nation, but deprecated any premature attempt on the part of the lords themselves to reclaim their rights. On 5 March 1660 he wrote to the Earl of Manchester, referring to the recent attempt made by some of the lords to persuade Monck to allow them to sit, and urging its unseasonableness ( Manchester , Court and Society from Elizabeth to Anne, i. 395). An unconditional restoration he did not desire, and was one of the heads of the little cabal which proposed that merely those peers who had sat in 1648 should be permitted to take their places in the upper house, and that these should impose on Charles II the conditions offered to his father at the Newport treaty ( Collins , Sydney Papers, ii. 685 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 729). In the Convention parliament which met in April 1660 he supported a general act of indemnity, and was heard to say that, ‘though he had no part in the death of the king, he was against questioning those who had been concerned in that affair that the example might be more useful to posterity and profitable to future kings, by deterring them from the like exorbitances’ ( Ludlow , Memórias, 267, ed. 1894).

Though the policy which Northumberland had pursued must have been extremely distasteful both to the king and to his ministers, he was sworn in as a privy councillor immediately after the king's return (31 May 1660) ( Blencowe , Sydney Papers, p. 158). He was appointed lord lieutenant of Sussex (11 Aug. 1660) and joint lord lieutenant of Northumberland (7 Sept. 1660), and acted as lord high constable at the coronation of Charles II (18–23 April 1661). But he exercised no influence over the policy of the king, and took henceforth no part in public affairs. He died on 13 Oct. 1668, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and was buried at Petworth.

Clarendon terms Northumberland ‘the proudest man alive,’ and adds that ‘if he had thought the king as much above him as he thought himself above other considerable men, he would have been a good subject.’ ‘He was in all his deportment a very great man,’ and throughout his political career he behaved with a dignity and independence more characteristic of a feudal potentate than a seventeenth-century nobleman. Without possessing great abilities, he enjoyed as much reputation and influence as if he had done so. ‘Though his notions were not large or deep, yet his temper and reservedness in discourse, and his unrashness in speaking, got him the reputation of an able and a wise man which he made evident in his excellent government of his family, where no man was more absolutely obeyed and no man had ever fewer idle words to answer for and in debates of importance he always expressed himself very pertinently’ (Rebelião, vi. 398, viii. 244). At the commencement of the civil war he had ‘the most esteemed and unblemished reputation, in court and country, of any person of his rank throughout the kingdom.’ At the close of the struggle he preserved it almost unimpaired. ‘In spite of all the partial disadvantages which were brought upon him by living in such a divided age, yet there was no man perhaps of any party but believed, honoured, and would have trusted him. Neither was this due to any chance of his birth, but, as all lasting reputation is, to those qualities which ran through the frame of his mind and the course of his life’ (Sir William Temple to Josceline, eleventh earl of Northumberland, 26 Dec. 1668 Fonblanque , ii. 475).

Northumberland married twice: first, in January 1629, Lady Anne Cecil, eldest daughter of William, second earl of Salisbury. This match was strongly disapproved by the bridegroom's father, who attributed his wrongs to the jealousy of the first Earl of Salisbury, and declared that the blood of Percy would not mix with the blood of Cecil if you poured it in a dish’ ( Fonblanque , ii. 370). She died on 6 Dec. 1637, and was buried at Petworth (Strafford Letters, ii. 142). By her Northumberland had issue five daughters, three of whom—Catharine, Dorothy, and Lucy—died in childhood Lady Anne Percy, born on 12 Aug. 1633, married, on 21 June 1652, Philip, lord Stanhope, and died on 29 Nov. 1654 Lady Elizabeth Percy, born on 1 Dec. 1636, married, on 19 May 1653, Arthur, lord Capel (created Earl of Essex in 1661), and died on ​ 5 Feb. 1718 (ib. eu. 76, 116, 469 Collins , ii. 353 Fonblanque , ii. 388, 407).

Northumberland's second wife was Lady Elizabeth Howard, second daughter of Theophilus, second earl of Suffolk. The marriage took place on 1 Oct. 1642. She died on 11 March 1705. By this marriage the great house built by Henry Howard, earl of Northampton, came into Northumberland's possession, and was henceforth known as Northumberland House. It was demolished in 1874 to make room for Northumberland Avenue ( Wheatley , London Past and Present, ii. 603). By his second countess Earl Algernon had issue: (1) Josceline, eleventh earl of Northumberland, born on 4 July 1644, married, on 23 Dec. 1662, Elizabeth, youngest daughter of Thomas Wriothesley, earl of Southampton, and died on 21 May 1670, having had issue a son, Henry Percy, who died on 18 Dec. 1669, and a daughter, Elizabeth Percy, born on 26 Jan. 1667, afterwards Duchess of Somerset (2) Lady Mary Percy, born on 22 July 1647, died on 3 July 1652.

A portrait of Northumberland and his countess by Vandyck was No. 719 in the National Portrait Exhibition of 1866 it is in the possession of the Marquis of Salisbury. Another by the same painter, the property of the Earl of Essex, was No. 760. The latter was No. 57 in the Vandyck exhibition of 1887. Lists of engraved portraits are in Granger's ‘Biographical History,’ and in the catalogue of the portraits in the Sutherland copy of Clarendon's ‘History,’ in the Bodleian Library. They include engravings by Glover, Hollar, Houbraken, Payne, and Stent (>).

[A life of Algernon, earl of Northumberland, based mainly on the family papers, is contained in De Fonblanque's House of Percy, vol. ii. The papers themselves are calendared Hist. MSS. Com. 3rd Rep. A life is also given in Lodge's Portraits Doyle's Official Baronage, ii. 663 Collins's Peerage, ed. Brydges, vol. ii. Collins's Sydney Papers other authorities cited in the article.]


Family and offspring

He married Anne Cecil in 1629 (baptized February 23, 1612, † December 6, 1637), eldest daughter of William Cecil, 2nd Earl of Salisbury and his wife Catherine Howard . The couple had the following children:

  • Catherine Percy (died as a child)
  • Dorothy Percy (died as a child)
  • Anne Percy (born December 19, 1633, † November 29, 1654), ∞ on June 21, 1652 Philip Stanhope, 2nd Earl of Chesterfield
  • Elizabeth Percy (born December 1, 1636, † February 6, 1718), ∞ on May 19, 1653 Arthur Capell, 1st Earl of Essex
  • Lucy Percy (died as a child)

On October 1, 1642, Northumberland married Elizabeth Howard (* around 1622, † March 11, 1704/05), the second daughter of Theophilus Howard, 2nd Earl of Suffolk and his wife Elisabeth Home . He had the following children with her:


Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Percy, Henry Algernon (1502?-1537)

PERCY, HENRY ALGERNON, sixth Earl of Northumberland (1502?–1537), was eldest son of Henry Algernon, fifth earl [q. v.], by Catherine, daughter of Sir Robert Spencer. He was born about 1502, and sent, when quite young, to be a page in Wolsey's household. He was knighted in 1519, and, in spite of the fact that his father had destined him as early as 1516 (Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII, ii. eu. 1935) for the daughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, he fell in love with Anne Boleyn, then a young lady about the court. The intrigue was soon discovered, and the Earl of Northumberland sent for. Wolsey himself, though ignorant as yet of the king's inclinations, scolded the young man. Lord Percy gave way, but there is little doubt that the attachment lasted through his life. In July 1522 he was made a member of the council of the north in October he was made deputy warden of the east marches, and Dacre suggested that, young as he was, he should be made warden the same year. On 19 May 1527 he succeeded his father as sixth Earl of Northumberland he was made steward of the honour of Holderness on 18 June on 2 Dec. he became lord warden of the east and west marches.

Northumberland had many misfortunes. He was constantly ill from a kind of ague. He was burdened with debt, and yet had to keep up a vast establishment and engage in much fighting on his own account. Wolsey treated him like a boy so long as he was in power. He was not often allowed to go to the court, nor even to his father's funeral. To add to his other distresses, he disagreed with his wife, who soon returned to her father, and hated her husband heartily for the rest of his short life. Many of his troubles are reflected in his letters (cf. Skelton , Why come ye not to Court?) His chief friend was Sir Thomas Arundell [q. v.]

In spite of his anxieties he was very active on the borders. He had leave in 1528 to come to London, Wolsey writing that he hoped he would prove ‘conformable to his Hyghness's pleesor in gyvyng better attendaunce, leaving off his prodigality, sulleness, mistrust, disdayne, and making of partys.’ In 1530, while he was at Topcliffe, he received a message from the king ordering him to go to Cawood and arrest Wolsey. He seems to have acted as humanely as he could, and sent his prisoner south in the custody of Sir Roger Lascelles, while he remained to make an inventory of the cardinal's goods. He was one of the peers who signed the letter to the pope in July 1530 asking that the divorce might be hurried on, and, from his friendship with Sir Thomas Legh [q. v.], it seems as though he were of the new way of thinking in religious matters. On 23 April 1531 he was created K.G. on 11 May 1532 he was made sheriff of Northumberland for life and on the 26th of the same month a privy councillor. In 1532 Northumberland stood in great peril. His wife, drawing, doubtless, upon her recollection of matrimonial squabbles, accused him of a precontract with Anne Boleyn. She confided her alleged grievance to her father, who cautiously mentioned the matter to the Duke of Norfolk. Anne Boleyn ordered a public inquiry. Northumberland denied the accusation, and his accusers were routed.

Northumberland took part in the trial of Lord Dacre in July 1534. In the January following he was accused of ‘slackness’ on the borders, and also of the graver offence of having a sword of state carried before him when he went as justiciary to York. Illness was doubtless in part responsible for his neglect of duty in the previous year. But Chapuys ranked him, on information which he had from his doctor, among the disaffected early in 1535. Having no children, Northumberland now began to arrange his affairs. In February 1535 he wrote to Cromwell that the king had given him leave to name any of his blood his heir but, on account of their ‘debylytery and unnaturalness,’ he had determined to make the king his heir. This decision he confirmed later. In 1536 he was created lord president of the council of the north, and vicegerent of the order of the Garter. In May 1536 he formed one of the court for the trial of Anne Boleyn, but when he saw her he grew ill and left the room. Anne is said to have confessed a pre ​ contract with him in the hope of saving her life. In September 1536 he had a grant of 1,000eu. to come to London in order to make arrangements about his lands. The matter had not been completed when the northern rebellion known as the ‘pilgrimage of grace’ broke out. Northumberland's brothers and mother were open sympathisers with the rebels, but the earl himself remained loyal. The rebel leader, Aske, and his men came to Wressell, where he was ill in bed. The earl, who is spoken of as ‘Crasyside,’ was besought to resign his commands of the marches into the hands of his brothers, or at all events go over to the rebels. He refused both requests and when William Stapleton, in whose depositions we have an account of the affair, went up to see him, ‘he fell in weeping, ever wishing himself out of the world.’ Aske sent him to York, to protect him from the fury of his followers, who wanted to behead him. Finding himself ‘for ever unfeignedly sick,’ he made a grant to the king of his estates, on condition that they might pass to his nephew. When, however, his brother, Sir Thomas, was attainted, he made the grant unconditional in June 1537. By this time his mind was fast failing. He removed to Newington Green, where Richard Layton [q. v.] visited him on 29 June 1537. He says that he found him ‘languens in extremis, sight and speech failed, his stomach swollen so great as I never see none, and his whole body as yellow as saffron.’ He died on 29 June 1537, and was buried in Hackney church. Weever quotes an inscription, but Bishop Percy in 1767 could find no trace of it. He married, in 1524, Mary Talbot, daughter of George, fourth earl of Shrewsbury, but left no issue. The earldom fell into abeyance on his death, but was revived in favour of his nephew Thomas, seventh earl [q. v.] His widow lived until 1572. She had a grant of abbey lands, and was suspected of being a Roman catholic, a favourer of Mary Queen of Scots, and of hearing mass in her house. She was buried in Sheffield church.

Northumberland's two brothers, Sir Thomas and Sir Ingelram Percy, took an active part in the management of his estates. They were both important leaders in the pilgrimage of grace. Both were taken prisoners. Sir Thomas was attainted and executed in 1537. His sons, Thomas, seventh earl [q. v.], and Henry, eighth earl [q. v.], are separately noticed. Sir Ingelram Percy was confined in the Beauchamp Tower, where his name is to be seen cut in the stone. But he was soon liberated, went abroad, and died about 1540. He left an illegitimate daughter Isabel, who married, in 1544, Henry Tempest of Broughton.

[De Fonblanque's Annals of the House of Percy Letters and Papers, Henry VIII State Papers, i. 109, &c., ii. 140, iv. 59, v. 16, &c. Archæol. xxxiii. 4 Bapst's Deux gentilshommes Poètes, 17, 133–4 Froude's Hist. of England, vol. ix. Friedmann's Anne Boleyn, passim Doyle's Official Baronage Nott's Wyatt Cavendish's Life of Wolsey Rot. Parl. Wriothesley's Chron. and Chron. of Calais, in the Camden Society's publications.]


Person:Algernon Percy (3)

Coronel Lord Algernon Malcolm Arthur Percy (2 October 1851 – 28 December 1933) was a British career soldier and Conservative politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1882 to 1887.

Percy was the second son of the 6th Duke of Northumberland and his wife Louisa Drummond daughter of Henry Drummond of Albury Park, Surrey. He was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. From 1872 to 1880, he was a lieutenant in the Grenadier Guards. He was Major of the 3rd Battalion of the Royal Berkshire Regiment from 1881 to 1886. He was also J.P. for Surrey

In 1882, Percy was elected Member of Parliament for Westminster and held the seat until it was divided under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In the 1885 general election, he was elected MP for St George's, Hanover Square until he resigned his seat in 1887.

Percy was a major in the 3rd (Militia) Battalion of the Northumberland Fusiliers from 1886, and was promoted to lieutenant-colonel on 15 July 1895. In early 1900 he joined the regiment when it was stationed at Malta. He was appointed in command of the Tyne Volunteer Infantry Brigade on 5 March 1902, with the rank of colonel in the Volunteer Force whilst so serving. In the 1902 Coronation Honours list he was on 26 June 1902 appointed an aide-de-camp to King Edward VII, with the regular rank of colonel. He served as such until the King´s death in 1910, and was re-appointed ADC to King George V from 1910 to 1920.

Percy married Lady Victoria Edgcumbe (a daughter of the 4th Earl of Mount Edgcumbe) on 3 August 1880 and they had two children:


According to the 1911 encyclopedia he made unsuccessful attempts to reform the navy, so in a sense Pepys continued his work. There's a picture of him at:
http://www.npg.org.uk/live/search/portrait.asp?li…

His father was an interesting fellow.
"Born 1564, the 9th Earl was two years older than James VI. He owned massive estates in northern England as well as the south. His main establishment was Pentworth in Sussex. Although his speech was inclined to be slow and he was slightly deaf he was a highly gifted man. His scientific experiments and library earned him the title of


This month’s local history focus is Northumberland and we’re kicking things off with a look at the county during the British Civil Wars. Dr David Scott, senior research fellow in our Commons 1640-1660 project, explores the county torn between Scotland to the North and the rest of England to the South.

Northumberland in the eyes of Stuart England’s not-so-liberal elite was one of ‘the dark corners of the land’ – a county where the light of southern Protestantism and civility still struggled to penetrate. A century or more later and the border counties, like the Scottish Highlands, would be admired by those of refined sensibility for the wild beauty of their scenery and the supposedly unaffected simplicity of their inhabitants. But a rather less romantic view of the region prevailed in the seventeenth century. The London cartographer Richard Blome described Northumberland in 1673 as ‘a county of a sharp and piercing air and…thinly inhabited, which is occasioned through its near neighbourhood to Scotland and its barrenness, being for the most part exceeding rough, hilly and very hard to be manured’ (R. Blome, Britannia (1673), 179).

‘Near neighbourhood to Scotland’ was a particularly black mark against Northumberland’s name – but not one that its inhabitants would have contested. The accession of the Scottish king James VI to the English throne in 1603 had consigned the Border Reivers and the ‘debateable lands’ to history and gone too, or so it seemed, was the threat of invasion from Scotland. But old fears and animosities died hard. Early-Stuart Northumbrians generally shared the view of the border magnate, Algernon Percy, 10th earl of Northumberland, that Scotland was a ‘beggarly nation’, in every way England’s inferior (The Earl of Strafforde’s Letters and Dispatches ed. W. Knowler (1739), ii. 186).

Sir Algernon Percy 10th Earl of Northumberland, His First Wife Lady Anne Cecil, and their Eldest Daughter, Lady Catherine Percy. Anthony van Dyck, c.1633. National Trust, Petworth House

The Scots’ friends in Northumberland were mostly confined to Newcastle and the town’s few hundred or so puritans, who looked northwards to their fellow godly Calvinists for support. Newcastle’s merchant princes, on the other hand, looked southwards to London and its insatiable demand for coal. The Tyne Valley coalfield was the largest in England, and huge profits were to be made mining, shipping and vending coal to feed the capital’s hearths and stoves. ‘This great trade hath made this part to flourish in all trades’, observed one Northumbrian in 1649, and had powered Newcastle past York as northern England’s largest and wealthiest town (W. Gray, Chorographia, or a Survey of Newcastle upon Tine (1649), 37).

Charles I’s wars against his rebellious Scottish subjects in 1639-40 brought home to Northumbrians, quite literally, the old evils of life on England’s northern frontier. When the Scots had last invaded Northumberland, in 1513, they had had been turned back just south of the border when they did so in 1640 their victorious army occupied the entire county and garrisoned Newcastle. Having marched out of northern England in 1641, the Scots marched back in again early in 1644 – this time at the invitation of Parliament to help defeat the king in the English civil war.

Map of Tyneside, taken from Ralph Gardiner’s petition ‘England’s grievance discovered, in relation to the coal trade’, 1655. Via Tyne and Wear Archives

Hatred of the Scots and their puritanical religion (Presbyterianism) turned Northumberland solidly royalist in the civil war and swelled the ranks of the ‘Whitecoats’ – the Northumbrian brigade that refused to surrender at the battle of Marston Moor and was wiped out by Scottish and parliamentarian cavalry. The Scots’ second occupation of Northumberland and the surrounding counties lasted fully three years, until early 1647, during which time their pay-starved troops committed such ‘infinite oppressions and extortions’ that many northern parliamentarians became as vehemently anti-Scottish as the royalists (Bodl. Nalson IV, f. 212v). At Westminster, meanwhile, the more the Scots tried to foist their authoritarian brand of Presbyterianism onto Parliament, the more convinced were some MPs of the need for at least limited religious toleration and for an end to Scottish interference in English affairs. Heading this anti-Scottish party – a faction known as the Independents – were the earl of Northumberland and the New Model Army’s second-in-command Oliver Cromwell, whose Ironsides had joined in the slaughter of the Whitecoats at Marston Moor.

The Independents’ domination at Westminster provoked yet another Scottish invasion of England, in 1648 – this time in support of the king rather than Parliament. Battered and bruised by their experiences in the first civil war, most Northumberland royalists sat this second one out. Besides, few of them were eager to fight alongside the Scots even against fanatical puritans like Cromwell. Indeed, the ruinous impact of the second civil war on the region would push some Northumbrians in a decidedly radical direction themselves. The mayor of Newcastle and 80 freemen petitioned Parliament in October 1648, requesting that ‘full and exemplary justice be done upon the great incendiaries of the kingdom [i.e. the king and his abettors], the fomenters of, and actors in, the first and second war and the late bringing in of the Scots’ (The Moderate, no. 14 (10-17 Oct. 1648), 115-16, 120 (E.468.2)). Charles’s execution in January 1649 occasioned no regret from the town’s leaders, merely disappointment that he had ‘died like a desperate ignorant Roman – nothing we can see in him tending to a true Christian or the power of godliness’ (The Moderate, no. 30 (30 Jan.-6 Feb. 1649), 295-6 (E.541.15)).

Among the 59 men who signed the king’s death warrant was Newcastle’s MP John Blakiston. The high proportion of northern MPs among the regicides may well reflect hopes in the region that cutting off the king’s head would also sever the regnal union between England and Scotland and end any further danger of the Scots invading in support of ‘their’ king. But the Scots clung obstinately to the idea of a British monarchy and invaded England a fourth time, in 1651, in the cause of Charles II. The overwhelming reaction among Northumbrians to Cromwell’s subsequent defeat of the Scots (at Worcester) and conquest of Scotland was probably one of wearied relief.

Northumberland suffered its final invasion when the English army in Scotland under General George Monck crossed the border late in 1659 en route to London and a bloodless campaign that would end with the restoration of the monarchy in May 1660. Newcastle sent a loyal address to Charles II, expressing the hope that he would ‘unite a divided church, compose a distracted kingdom and ease an oppressed people’ (CSP Dom. 1660-1, p. 4). But the legacy of two decades on the front-line of Britain’s civil wars could not be wished away so easily. The threat of Scottish invasion steadily receded from the 1650s. However, the trauma of war, occupation and regicide had opened divisions in Northumbrian society that would linger for generations.

You can find previous blog from our ‘Local History’ series here. Follow the work of the Commons 1640-1660 project via the James I to Restoration section of our blog.


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